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| Michael Dioguardi |
by Michael Dioguardi, Mises Institute, published 1/12/2026 - In modern political debate, rising costs of living are usually blamed on markets. Housing is “unaffordable.” Healthcare is “broken.” Education is “too expensive.” The proposed remedy is almost always the same: more public spending, more intervention, more emergency programs funded by government credit.
But what if the affordability crisis is not a failure of markets at all? What if it is the predictable outcome of how modern governments finance themselves?
From an Austrian perspective, the affordability crisis is best understood as a monetary and institutional phenomenon. Since the early 1970s, governments like the United States have operated under a system of discretionary sovereign credit, where spending is no longer meaningfully constrained by taxation or savings. This system does not distribute new money evenly. It enters the economy through specific channels, benefiting some groups long before others ever see it. This is not a moral accusation, it is a structural description.
How Sovereign Credit Actually Enters the Economy
When governments spend money they do not raise through taxes, they rely on borrowing that is ultimately absorbed or supported by central banks. Since the end of the Bretton Woods system in 1971, this process has had no hard external constraint. The Federal Reserve can expand its balance sheet as needed, while Treasury debt is rolled over indefinitely.
New money does not arrive in workers’ paychecks first. It arrives through financial institutions, government contractors, asset markets, and politically-favored sectors. Austrians have long described this process through what is known as the Cantillon effect: early recipients of new money benefit, while later recipients face higher prices without corresponding income gains.
Housing offers the clearest example. Credit expansion lowers interest rates and increases borrowing capacity, bidding up home prices. Existing owners and leveraged investors benefit. Renters and first-time buyers face higher costs without higher wages. The problem is not a shortage of housing “supply” in the abstract. It is that monetary policy capitalizes future income streams into present asset prices.
This same pattern appears in equities, land, education credentials, and healthcare systems tied to public reimbursement. What is often called “market failure” is frequently the monetary system doing exactly what it is designed to do.
Crisis as the Justification Mechanism
If sovereign credit produces distortions, why does the system persist? The answer lies in the crisis. Every major expansion of discretionary finance is justified as a response to emergency: recessions, financial panics, wars, pandemics. Each intervention is presented as temporary and necessary. Yet the institutional authority created during crises is rarely rolled back afterward.
Economist Robert Higgs described this dynamic as the “ratchet effect.” Government expands during emergencies, then partially retreat, leaving behind a permanently larger state. Monetary institutions behave the same way. Central banks acquire new tools, new mandates, and new precedents with each crisis.
The 2008 financial crisis normalized large-scale asset purchases and bank rescues. The 2020 pandemic response went further, combining direct transfers, emergency lending facilities, and massive balance sheet expansion. These actions stabilized incomes and markets in the short run, but they also established new baselines for what governments and central banks are expected to do in future downturns.
From an Austrian viewpoint, the danger is not that crises are “exploited” in bad faith. It is that intervention creates conditions that make future crises more likely, while also providing the justification for even greater intervention.
Why Affordability Keeps Getting Worse
This crisis-driven system has a cumulative effect on prices. Asset inflation precedes consumer inflation. Those closest to credit creation benefit first. Those dependent on wages face rising costs later. Over time, the gap widens between nominal economic growth and real economic access.
This explains why affordability deteriorates even during periods of apparent prosperity: GDP rises, stock markets climb, government spending expands, yet housing, childcare, healthcare, and education drift further out of reach for ordinary households. Austrians argue that this is not a coincidence. It is the inevitable result of suppressing interest rates, distorting capital allocation, and financing public commitments through credit rather than real savings.
Public choice economics reinforces this view. Politicians face strong incentives to promise benefits now while deferring costs into the future. Sovereign credit makes this politically viable. The true costs appear later, dispersed across the population through higher prices and reduced purchasing power.
The Illusion of Democratic Control
One of the most troubling aspects of the modern credit system is its opacity. Governments routinely claim they are financially constrained, while acting as if they are not. Officials deny that money creation drives inequality or inflation, even as balance sheets expand dramatically. This partial denial is not accidental. Open acknowledgment that spending is limited primarily by political choice rather than revenue would invite immediate demand escalation.
In this sense, opacity plays a stabilizing role. But stability achieved through obscurity comes at a cost. Citizens experience rising prices without understanding the mechanisms behind them. Frustration grows, political movements radicalize, and demands intensify for even more intervention, reinforcing the cycle.
From an Austrian perspective, this is a deeply fragile equilibrium. It depends on public misunderstanding, technocratic discretion, and crisis normalization. It cannot be openly democratized without risking inflationary breakdown, yet it increasingly undermines trust in institutions.
Why the Austrian Critique Still Matters
Critics often dismiss Austrian economics as impractical or overly rigid. Yet Austrians have been remarkably prescient about the long-term consequences of discretionary money: asset bubbles, rising inequality, affordability crises, and recurring instability.
This does not mean Austrians believe crises will inevitably produce collapse. Retrenchment is possible. But history suggests it is politically rare and costly. Once discretionary credit becomes the primary funding mechanism of government, reversing it requires confronting powerful interests and popular expectations.
The “affordability crisis” is not a mystery. It is not primarily about greed, shortages, or market failure. It is the predictable result of a monetary system that creates winners and losers through the timing and channels of money creation. Until that reality is confronted, calls for affordability reform will continue to treat symptoms while intensifying the underlying disease.
Michael Dioguardi is a residential property manager and independent blogger writing under the title Seeker of Liberty. Drawing on years of dedicated study of the U.S. Constitution, the Federalist and Anti-Federalist Papers, landmark court decisions, and Austrian School economics, he analyzes contemporary challenges to individual liberty, institutional accountability, and economic stability. Michael resides in Nashville.
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